We, the Indian Sindhis who came to this country, after the tragic partition of India, strongly feel that we all have made supreme sacrifices and lost our homeland – Sindh for the sake of freedom of the country. We further reiterate that we fifty lakh Sindhis, who are scattered all over the country, have been reduced to a negligible minority in every state. As a result of this, we have been confronted with many serious problems in cultural, educational, literary, social and political fields, threatening our very existence as a distinct cultural and linguistic entity.
Our sad experience is that Central Government as well as State governments have completely ignored the cultural, literary and educational aspirations of the Indian Sindhis for its development in cultural and educational fields. At times, there has been even apathy to the legitimate and genuine grievances of the Sindhi Community.
Such casual attitude towards the Sindhi community is motivated primarily because Sindhi community does not possess political clout to influence the corridors of power. As we do not form a vote bank at any particular place, we are unable to elect our own person from any electoral constituency either for Lok Sabha or for any State Assembly, who could effectively voice our genuine grievances and difficulties, from such democratic forums.
It is a painful reality that over fifty lakh people who inherit a hoary past, who have fully identified themselves with national mainstream, who are enlightened and are fully conscious of their national duties, go unrepresented in the collective community sense, in this great democracy. Our only ‘SIN’ is that we have lost our homeland for the sake of freedom of our beloved Indian nation. On the other hand the political reality in India is that other linguistic communities smaller than Sindhis inhabitating Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Sikkim etc. whose population ranges from half a million to a million, enjoy full and separate political status; have full-fledged democratic forums in form of legislative assemblies and are represented in august body of our Parliament.
It is thus only the Sindhi community, which stands to suffer. No democracy is worth the name, if it denies a civilized and enlightened community of more than five million people, the right of being adequately represented by its own electoral representatives. Failure to provide equal participation in the political affairs of the country to the Sindhi community, because of its peculiar and unfortunate circumstances, amounts to negation of the principles of political rights to all citizens, as envisaged in the constitution of the nation.
We, therefore, are of the firm opinion that the Sindhi community be constitutionally declared and given status of a Special Linguistic Minority. To ensure such a status and to accord the Sindhi community to exercise political rights with a sense of equality and dignity, we demand the following specific measures to be adopted by the Central government:-
1. Six seats, one each from the states of Maharashtra, Gujrat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi and Uttar Pradesh be reserved in LOK SABHA for the Sindhi community by making a suitable amendment in the constitution;
2. On the basis of the same principle, a constitutional provision may also be made for the reservation of some seats for the Sindhi community in the legislative assemblies of the six of the above states, depending on the proportion of population of Sindhis in each of the above states;
3. At least one outstanding public figure from the Sindhi community be nominated on the legislative Council of each of the above states. A provision to this effect may also be made in the constitution.
4. At least one outstanding public figure from the Sindhi community be nominated on the Rajya Sabha to represent the cultural and literary interests of the Sindhi linguistic minority.
********
Monday, July 27, 2009
HOME WITHIN HOME
“You might have lost your home, but remember that the whole of India is your home”.
These were the words of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to Indian Sindhis, while inaugurating the first World Sindhi Conference in New Delhi in October’83.
Yes, India is our home, nay, whole of the world is our home. After all we are the descendents of those, who propagated the gospel of “Vasudhav Kutambkam”.
Yet, this “VASUDHA” bears the existence of more than hundred nations with well defined boundaries and enforcing rigid laws of nationality, passport, visa etc.
Similarly, “Indian Nation” is divided into more than two dozen sub-nations, known as provinces and Union territories, symbolizing the “Homes” for Punjabis, Bangalis, Gujratis, Tamilians, Nagas, Mizos etc. Even foreign linguistic group like French have been given their “HOMES” in the shape of Union territory of Pondichery.
Briefly speaking, almost every linguistic and cultural group has been provided with “Home within larger home of “Mother India” and still larger home of “Mother Earth”.
There appears, therefore no justification for more than fifty lakh Indian Sindhis, to remain without “Home” similar to other linguistic and cultural groups as described above. After all , what sin have we Sindhis committed as to be denied the right of safe guarding our sub-national identity, by preventing the fast eclipse of our language, culture, customs and way of life? Perhaps, the only sin committed by us, is to have unflinching faith in our national leadership, all these years.
In retrospect, we blindly believed the words of the father of nation that partition of ‘Mother India’ would take place only over his dead body. We could never, even in our dreams, imagine that solemn assurance of the father of nation, would be disregarded by his political followers, during his life time itself, throwing our own mother Sindh to the wolves and allowing thereby our own home the soil of Sindh, to be occupied by the usurpers and political desperadoes.
We became so much complacent by having so much faith in our national leadership that we did not care to demand the logical alternate namely bifurcation of Sindh province, on the analogy of Punjab and Bengal – the other two provinces affected by the calamity of 1947. It is now no secret that original plan of partition was, to lose whole of Punjab and Bengal like Sindh, but effective voice raised by the Hindu leaders belonging to these provinces, prevented the mischief and they succeeded in retaining their “Homes”.
There was third alternate also before our so called Sindhi leaders of the time. That was, to demand plebiscite in the only Hindu majority district of Tharparkar, on the analogy of plebiscite held in only muslim majority district of Sylhet in Assam.
The result of such plebiscite would undoubtedly, have given this large district of Sindh to us along with princely state of Kutchh and other areas adjoining to Tharparkar, would have succeeded in creating, the Indian Province of south Sindh on the analogy of East Punjab and West Bengal.
But, there is no use now to blame anyone – neither our national leadership nor so called Sindhi leaders of that time. However this lapse, this wrong committed sixty two years ago, cannot and must not be allowed to assume perpetuity. We badly need some territory – howsoever small; howsoever marshy; howsoever arid; where we can preserve our culture, our language, our sub-national identity. It will obviously be contiguous to Sindh-bordering Sindh-whose folk lore, whose native people, may be nearest to us.
Fortunately, with the declaration of Kutchhy as ninth dialect of sindhi language by the legally constituted government commission, we have succeeded in identifying the territory for the proposed Sindhi province of south Sindh, which already does exist defacto, being the only sindhi speaking territory within the present political boundaries of India.
When we talk of the idea of Sindhi province in Kutchh, some of our own people dismiss it as impossibility, by citing the example of late Bhai Pratap’s project of Gandhidham, which in their opinion, proved to be a complete failure.
This erroneous surmise is perhaps based on ignorance of facts. Late Bhai Pratap wanted to establish a new township near seaport of Kandla to save his fellow sindhi refugees from the appalling condition of refugee camps, established hurriedly for large scale and unexpected influx of refugees. Secondly, he wanted to develop Kandla Port on the lines of Karachi port. For these purposes, he requested father of nation, who very kindly persuaded Maharao of Kutchh State, to donate 15529 acres of land near Kandla, where a beautiful twin cities of Kandla - Gandhidham has been established.
It was never his objective to establish Sindhi Pradesh, nor was it conceivable to accommodate entire sub-nation of 13 lakhs (population of Sindhi Hindus at the time of partition) in an area measuring 15 thousand & odd acres of land, comprising one town only, completely. It is however true, that full capacity of even this single town was not utilized by the Sindhis. Many who went there and got good pacca dwelling units, returned back in the absence of the means of livelihood. After all they were not expected to eat walls and roofs. The means of the livelihood could have been provided by the capitalists and industrialists among Sindhis, who did not turn up there, in sufficient numbers, in the absence of adequate publicity, opportune planning and emotional urge. For them, in absence of emotional appeal, there was no difference between Mumbai, Kolkata, Ahmedabad & Gandhidham.
But even if we presume that Bhai Pratap wanted to establish sindhi province in Kutchh and he failed miserably, we must understand that there is vast difference in forties and present times. One complete decade after the black year of 1947, was necessarily to be spent on struggle for individual survival, search for livelihood and re-establishment of our moorings. During the second decade, when our intellectual leadership found that our language, literature and culture is decaying fast, they thought that perhaps recognition of our language and its inclusion in eighth schedule may arrest this tendency. They tried and succeeded in getting language included in the eighth schedule of the Indian Constitution. Next four decades have been spent to see the effects and results of the inclusion of our language in the constitution.
We now find that the situation, so far as the condition of our language & literature is concerned has hardly improved. All the intellectuals, except few short sighted ones, are now unanimous that regional base is essentially vital, to save our language and literature. Some form of compulsion and/or temptation is necessary for the parents to send their wards for learning sindhi language. This is true in case of other languages also. We find that practically in all the provinces, knowledge of local language has been made compulsory for getting jobs. In the absence of such temptation in case of sindhi language, parents in general are reluctant to put extra burden over their children.
The fate of such people, where members of young blood cannot read and write in their mother tongue, can well be imagined. If the situation does not change, our sindhi language would cease to be people language and would come in category of ancient languages like Sanskrit, Pali and Latin.
So, it is now the question of life and death for we Sindhis. Our very survival as Sindhis is at stake. A consensus is therefore, gradually emerging that we should have also our own linguistic province/union territory like other Indians. Doubts and dissenting voices are murmured only by those who do not want to disturb their individual peace of mind and long slumber for the cause, which will only benefit sindhi sub-nation as a whole and not to them individually. This individualistic approach, they have become habitual of, for the last six decades or so, is preventing them, to raise their voices and to do efforts for achieving the goal.
Many Sindhis belonging to this category often ask “How can Sindhis re-settled after sixty two years of hard labour, afford to wind up their establishments and proceed to the promised province, even if the goal is achieved?” The question would appear to be irrelevant, once we consider the whole plan in proper perspective.
The de-jure recognition of sindhi province of south Sindh does not depend on the wholesale migration of Sindhis from other parts of India. There is no need for all the Sindhis to leave their places of residence, as the entire India is our bigger home.
We know that all Punjabis do not live in Punjab, nor all the Bengalis in Bengal. Before partition even all the Sindhis did not use to live in Sindh. Their permanent homes were in Sindh, but they used to measure entire globe, in connection with business, trade and commerce, being one of the most enterprising communities of India.
In fact, Kutchh although sparsely populated and hence capable of accommodating the entire sindhi community, is an under developed region. It may not, therefore afford to bear the burden of all immigrant Sindhis. Only those Sindhis, who have extra capital to invest can install new industries in this under-developed region, must be persuaded to come forward with or without immigration. But nothing should be done to disturb the rural culture of the native Sindhis (appropriate word for Kutchhis). They are supposed to help in raising the living standards of local native Sindhis and win their hearts. At any cost there should not be any discrimination between native Sindhis and immigrant Sindhis, as far as employment is concerned.
Overseas Sindhis and big capitalists of Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Delhi and Ahmedabad, can play a pivotal role in this direction, who can be persuaded to open at least one branch of their firms in Kutchh area. Due to pioneering work of late Bhai Pratap we have already a nucleus for industrial & commercial centre in and around Kandla, which can be further developed as hub of commercial and industrial activities of Sindhis.
We must now pay our attention for establishing nuclei for culture, language and other aspects of sindhology. Lakhpat town in Kutchh, where our holy river Sindhu, used to fall in Sindh sea (Arabian sea as it is known popularly) till 1850, can be developed for this purpose. We have “Narayansar” near this town, which can be popularized like Rishikesh by opening an Ashram for old, infirms and retired Sindhis, on the pattern of “Swarg Ashram” of Rishikesh.
Sindhi University, on the pattern of Punjabi University of Patiala, can also be established in this area to make it a hub of sindhi intellectual activities.
Since Hindus among native Sindhis (i.e. Kutchhis) are also devotees of Jhulelal, it would be advisable to open more and more Jhulelal Mandirs with the help of native Sindhis, to forge integration of native and immigrant Sindhis.
Above are some of the details of the detailed plan, which cannot be contained in toto, within the preview of this small article.
The purpose of this article is to create and consolidate sindhi public opinion and prompt sindhi intellectuals to come forward, discuss and form an organization, which may not be aligned to any political party. It would be a forum of selfless and devoted Sindhis, who are prepared to subscribe to an ideology, consisting of following fundamental principles:-
1. Firm belief in the principles of genuine secularism, democracy and non-violence.
2. Firm belief in the one-ness & territorial integrity of Indian-Geographical-Nation whose boundaries, are spread from Himalayas in north, to the Indian Ocean in south; from Arakan jungles in east to Hindukush in west.
3. Firm belief in one-ness of sindhi sub-nation within great Indian-Geographical-Nation, irrespective of Sindhis present place of residence, caste, creed, money-status etc. It includes Kutchhy sindhis as well.
4. Firm belief in the justness of the demand of Indian Sindhis, regarding creation of Sindhi speaking province/union territory in the former princely state of Kutchh to be named as South Sindh, on the analogy of West Bengal and East Punjab.
This organization should have following programme:-
1. To demand creation of union territory of Kutchh with separate Assembly and Lt. Governor on the pattern of Pondichery, with Gandhidham as its capital.
2. To demand special allocation of funds for the agricultural development and for solving the problem of water shortage in the proposed territory.
3. To demand establishment of Sindhi University in the region.
4. To demand facilities for sindhi pilgrims to visit religious places like Sadhu Bela, Zindah Pir etc, in north Sindh.
5. To establish National Bank of south Sindh with branches all over India to mobilize savings of Sindhis to be utilized for the re-settlement of sindhis in the promised province.
6. To persuade Sindhi capitalists all over the world, for investment in the proposed province by installing new industries and/or opening branches of their existing firms.
7. To assist Sindhis, desirous of settling in Kutchh with the help of Sindh resettlement Corporation, which already exists in Gandhidham.
With malice towards none and unflinching confidence that our demand is justified on the basis of equality of all Indian communities before Indian Constitution, if we work hard with missionary zeal, I have no doubt that we would be able to achieve our goal, someday, however late it maybe.
********
These were the words of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to Indian Sindhis, while inaugurating the first World Sindhi Conference in New Delhi in October’83.
Yes, India is our home, nay, whole of the world is our home. After all we are the descendents of those, who propagated the gospel of “Vasudhav Kutambkam”.
Yet, this “VASUDHA” bears the existence of more than hundred nations with well defined boundaries and enforcing rigid laws of nationality, passport, visa etc.
Similarly, “Indian Nation” is divided into more than two dozen sub-nations, known as provinces and Union territories, symbolizing the “Homes” for Punjabis, Bangalis, Gujratis, Tamilians, Nagas, Mizos etc. Even foreign linguistic group like French have been given their “HOMES” in the shape of Union territory of Pondichery.
Briefly speaking, almost every linguistic and cultural group has been provided with “Home within larger home of “Mother India” and still larger home of “Mother Earth”.
There appears, therefore no justification for more than fifty lakh Indian Sindhis, to remain without “Home” similar to other linguistic and cultural groups as described above. After all , what sin have we Sindhis committed as to be denied the right of safe guarding our sub-national identity, by preventing the fast eclipse of our language, culture, customs and way of life? Perhaps, the only sin committed by us, is to have unflinching faith in our national leadership, all these years.
In retrospect, we blindly believed the words of the father of nation that partition of ‘Mother India’ would take place only over his dead body. We could never, even in our dreams, imagine that solemn assurance of the father of nation, would be disregarded by his political followers, during his life time itself, throwing our own mother Sindh to the wolves and allowing thereby our own home the soil of Sindh, to be occupied by the usurpers and political desperadoes.
We became so much complacent by having so much faith in our national leadership that we did not care to demand the logical alternate namely bifurcation of Sindh province, on the analogy of Punjab and Bengal – the other two provinces affected by the calamity of 1947. It is now no secret that original plan of partition was, to lose whole of Punjab and Bengal like Sindh, but effective voice raised by the Hindu leaders belonging to these provinces, prevented the mischief and they succeeded in retaining their “Homes”.
There was third alternate also before our so called Sindhi leaders of the time. That was, to demand plebiscite in the only Hindu majority district of Tharparkar, on the analogy of plebiscite held in only muslim majority district of Sylhet in Assam.
The result of such plebiscite would undoubtedly, have given this large district of Sindh to us along with princely state of Kutchh and other areas adjoining to Tharparkar, would have succeeded in creating, the Indian Province of south Sindh on the analogy of East Punjab and West Bengal.
But, there is no use now to blame anyone – neither our national leadership nor so called Sindhi leaders of that time. However this lapse, this wrong committed sixty two years ago, cannot and must not be allowed to assume perpetuity. We badly need some territory – howsoever small; howsoever marshy; howsoever arid; where we can preserve our culture, our language, our sub-national identity. It will obviously be contiguous to Sindh-bordering Sindh-whose folk lore, whose native people, may be nearest to us.
Fortunately, with the declaration of Kutchhy as ninth dialect of sindhi language by the legally constituted government commission, we have succeeded in identifying the territory for the proposed Sindhi province of south Sindh, which already does exist defacto, being the only sindhi speaking territory within the present political boundaries of India.
When we talk of the idea of Sindhi province in Kutchh, some of our own people dismiss it as impossibility, by citing the example of late Bhai Pratap’s project of Gandhidham, which in their opinion, proved to be a complete failure.
This erroneous surmise is perhaps based on ignorance of facts. Late Bhai Pratap wanted to establish a new township near seaport of Kandla to save his fellow sindhi refugees from the appalling condition of refugee camps, established hurriedly for large scale and unexpected influx of refugees. Secondly, he wanted to develop Kandla Port on the lines of Karachi port. For these purposes, he requested father of nation, who very kindly persuaded Maharao of Kutchh State, to donate 15529 acres of land near Kandla, where a beautiful twin cities of Kandla - Gandhidham has been established.
It was never his objective to establish Sindhi Pradesh, nor was it conceivable to accommodate entire sub-nation of 13 lakhs (population of Sindhi Hindus at the time of partition) in an area measuring 15 thousand & odd acres of land, comprising one town only, completely. It is however true, that full capacity of even this single town was not utilized by the Sindhis. Many who went there and got good pacca dwelling units, returned back in the absence of the means of livelihood. After all they were not expected to eat walls and roofs. The means of the livelihood could have been provided by the capitalists and industrialists among Sindhis, who did not turn up there, in sufficient numbers, in the absence of adequate publicity, opportune planning and emotional urge. For them, in absence of emotional appeal, there was no difference between Mumbai, Kolkata, Ahmedabad & Gandhidham.
But even if we presume that Bhai Pratap wanted to establish sindhi province in Kutchh and he failed miserably, we must understand that there is vast difference in forties and present times. One complete decade after the black year of 1947, was necessarily to be spent on struggle for individual survival, search for livelihood and re-establishment of our moorings. During the second decade, when our intellectual leadership found that our language, literature and culture is decaying fast, they thought that perhaps recognition of our language and its inclusion in eighth schedule may arrest this tendency. They tried and succeeded in getting language included in the eighth schedule of the Indian Constitution. Next four decades have been spent to see the effects and results of the inclusion of our language in the constitution.
We now find that the situation, so far as the condition of our language & literature is concerned has hardly improved. All the intellectuals, except few short sighted ones, are now unanimous that regional base is essentially vital, to save our language and literature. Some form of compulsion and/or temptation is necessary for the parents to send their wards for learning sindhi language. This is true in case of other languages also. We find that practically in all the provinces, knowledge of local language has been made compulsory for getting jobs. In the absence of such temptation in case of sindhi language, parents in general are reluctant to put extra burden over their children.
The fate of such people, where members of young blood cannot read and write in their mother tongue, can well be imagined. If the situation does not change, our sindhi language would cease to be people language and would come in category of ancient languages like Sanskrit, Pali and Latin.
So, it is now the question of life and death for we Sindhis. Our very survival as Sindhis is at stake. A consensus is therefore, gradually emerging that we should have also our own linguistic province/union territory like other Indians. Doubts and dissenting voices are murmured only by those who do not want to disturb their individual peace of mind and long slumber for the cause, which will only benefit sindhi sub-nation as a whole and not to them individually. This individualistic approach, they have become habitual of, for the last six decades or so, is preventing them, to raise their voices and to do efforts for achieving the goal.
Many Sindhis belonging to this category often ask “How can Sindhis re-settled after sixty two years of hard labour, afford to wind up their establishments and proceed to the promised province, even if the goal is achieved?” The question would appear to be irrelevant, once we consider the whole plan in proper perspective.
The de-jure recognition of sindhi province of south Sindh does not depend on the wholesale migration of Sindhis from other parts of India. There is no need for all the Sindhis to leave their places of residence, as the entire India is our bigger home.
We know that all Punjabis do not live in Punjab, nor all the Bengalis in Bengal. Before partition even all the Sindhis did not use to live in Sindh. Their permanent homes were in Sindh, but they used to measure entire globe, in connection with business, trade and commerce, being one of the most enterprising communities of India.
In fact, Kutchh although sparsely populated and hence capable of accommodating the entire sindhi community, is an under developed region. It may not, therefore afford to bear the burden of all immigrant Sindhis. Only those Sindhis, who have extra capital to invest can install new industries in this under-developed region, must be persuaded to come forward with or without immigration. But nothing should be done to disturb the rural culture of the native Sindhis (appropriate word for Kutchhis). They are supposed to help in raising the living standards of local native Sindhis and win their hearts. At any cost there should not be any discrimination between native Sindhis and immigrant Sindhis, as far as employment is concerned.
Overseas Sindhis and big capitalists of Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Delhi and Ahmedabad, can play a pivotal role in this direction, who can be persuaded to open at least one branch of their firms in Kutchh area. Due to pioneering work of late Bhai Pratap we have already a nucleus for industrial & commercial centre in and around Kandla, which can be further developed as hub of commercial and industrial activities of Sindhis.
We must now pay our attention for establishing nuclei for culture, language and other aspects of sindhology. Lakhpat town in Kutchh, where our holy river Sindhu, used to fall in Sindh sea (Arabian sea as it is known popularly) till 1850, can be developed for this purpose. We have “Narayansar” near this town, which can be popularized like Rishikesh by opening an Ashram for old, infirms and retired Sindhis, on the pattern of “Swarg Ashram” of Rishikesh.
Sindhi University, on the pattern of Punjabi University of Patiala, can also be established in this area to make it a hub of sindhi intellectual activities.
Since Hindus among native Sindhis (i.e. Kutchhis) are also devotees of Jhulelal, it would be advisable to open more and more Jhulelal Mandirs with the help of native Sindhis, to forge integration of native and immigrant Sindhis.
Above are some of the details of the detailed plan, which cannot be contained in toto, within the preview of this small article.
The purpose of this article is to create and consolidate sindhi public opinion and prompt sindhi intellectuals to come forward, discuss and form an organization, which may not be aligned to any political party. It would be a forum of selfless and devoted Sindhis, who are prepared to subscribe to an ideology, consisting of following fundamental principles:-
1. Firm belief in the principles of genuine secularism, democracy and non-violence.
2. Firm belief in the one-ness & territorial integrity of Indian-Geographical-Nation whose boundaries, are spread from Himalayas in north, to the Indian Ocean in south; from Arakan jungles in east to Hindukush in west.
3. Firm belief in one-ness of sindhi sub-nation within great Indian-Geographical-Nation, irrespective of Sindhis present place of residence, caste, creed, money-status etc. It includes Kutchhy sindhis as well.
4. Firm belief in the justness of the demand of Indian Sindhis, regarding creation of Sindhi speaking province/union territory in the former princely state of Kutchh to be named as South Sindh, on the analogy of West Bengal and East Punjab.
This organization should have following programme:-
1. To demand creation of union territory of Kutchh with separate Assembly and Lt. Governor on the pattern of Pondichery, with Gandhidham as its capital.
2. To demand special allocation of funds for the agricultural development and for solving the problem of water shortage in the proposed territory.
3. To demand establishment of Sindhi University in the region.
4. To demand facilities for sindhi pilgrims to visit religious places like Sadhu Bela, Zindah Pir etc, in north Sindh.
5. To establish National Bank of south Sindh with branches all over India to mobilize savings of Sindhis to be utilized for the re-settlement of sindhis in the promised province.
6. To persuade Sindhi capitalists all over the world, for investment in the proposed province by installing new industries and/or opening branches of their existing firms.
7. To assist Sindhis, desirous of settling in Kutchh with the help of Sindh resettlement Corporation, which already exists in Gandhidham.
With malice towards none and unflinching confidence that our demand is justified on the basis of equality of all Indian communities before Indian Constitution, if we work hard with missionary zeal, I have no doubt that we would be able to achieve our goal, someday, however late it maybe.
********
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